Tag: politics

When Governor Kim Reynolds signed Senate File 75 into law on April 11, 2025, the legislative fight gave way to an organized implementation that changed the politics of affected counties. The law requires Johnson, Story, and Black Hawk counties—those with public universities—to shift from at-large to district-based elections for county supervisors, with changes taking effect during the 2026 election cycle. The change is getting real.

Iowa City attorney Jim Larew filed a lawsuit to request a temporary injunction to stop the law. When a district court judge denied the request, the counties got to work implementing the changes as best they could. I live in Johnson County, and some things stand out:

• None of the counties refused to implement the law.
• Each county used the Legislative Services Agency to draw district maps.
• Every supervisor seat is on the ballot in 2026, including supervisors elected two years ago to a four-year term.
• There are plenty of candidates for supervisor, especially in Johnson County where there are 14 candidates for 5 supervisor positions.

The highest profile race in Johnson County is between incumbents Rod Sullivan and V Fixmer-Oraiz in District 4. Sullivan is a long-serving progressive supervisor, while Fixmer-Oraiz represents a newer progressive challenge. That race has generated substantial local activism. Neither of them would have had this kind of campaign in the at-large system.

The increase in Johnson County candidate filings is noteworthy. With so many candidates, there is a sense county politics will change dramatically under the district system. That is the hope of candidates like Republican Phil Hemingway, running for county supervisor in his sixth campaign, this time in District 2. According to the May 7, Solon Economist:

Hemingway referred to SF 75 as an opportunity for small towns, like Solon, to not feel overshadowed by Iowa City’s political composition. Rural residents, who are smaller in number, feel diluted by surrounding urban interests. Solon, he said, has a very different political alignment than Iowa City.

I don’t think Hemingway (or the Solon Economist) did the election math. In District 2, where Solon lies, there is a mix of regions: rural, small city, a substantial number of Iowa City proper precincts. There is also the large Newport precinct that behaves like an Iowa City precinct. This doesn’t fit the talking point Republicans who favored Senate File 75 assert—better representation for small cities and rural residents. Based on where Democratic votes are located, the Iowa City precincts in District 2, along with Newport, have enough to determine the general election outcome despite Republican leaning precincts like Lone Tree, Solon, and Big Grove. Regardless of the winner of the three-way District 2 Democratic primary, Hemingway should plan to lose again.

District 2 is the crux of a new politics. The Republican meme about rural voters electing one of their own gives way to the reality that candidates will have to build credibility across an electorate that includes incompatible priorities. The new politics is about building coalitions.

Rural voters may feel frustrated if they expected Senate File 75 to create distinctly rural districts and instead find themselves still electorally tied to Iowa City voters. The biggest question is whether the district system diluted or preserved Iowa City’s influence. This stands out in District 2.

It seems obvious, but voters inside a district won’t vote as a monolith. The coalition a successful supervisor candidate will have to build includes university-affiliated progressives, older liberal homeowners, renters focused on affordability, labor-oriented Democrats, environmental activists, senior citizens, farmers, rural residents, families with school aged children, and more. My point is any candidate who treats “Iowa City” or “rural residents” or “small city folk” as a monolith has signed their candidacy’s death warrant. A successful candidate has to connect rural land use, watershed protection, food systems, road funding, housing growth, affordable housing, and taxes with the same needle and thread.

The better question for candidates is how do they build a coalition that actually decides turnout? The answer is far more nuanced than the original legislative debate over Senate File 75 suggested. Things are getting real as early voting starts at the Johnson County Auditor’s office on May 13.

When the legislature adjourned sine die at 7:08 p.m. last Sunday, the governor responded with a press release hitting my inbox at 7:12 p.m., proclaiming the 2026 session was a success. Long story short, “Republicans are delivering big for Iowans,” Governor Reynolds asserted in a statement. If you believe that, stand on your head.

Republican governance has been so bad, they even passed a law to hobble Reynolds’ replacement, assuming it will be Democrat Rob Sand. They tried this before with Sand as auditor and with Attorney General Tom Miller. The efficacy of this move is wearing thin.

Water quality is such a compelling issue in Chris Jones’ campaign for Secretary of Agriculture, Republicans passed a do-nothing water quality bill in the last week of session. If I didn’t know better, I’d say Republicans are on the run.

For now, the rhythm of Iowa politics shifts, trading the urgency and headlines of floor debate for something quieter but consequential. The June 2 primaries are upon us. The relative quiet of this coming month is not inactivity so much as a change in where and how politics happens.

Campaigns are no longer ramping up—they are knuckling down. Instead of large, highly publicized events, they focus on smaller gatherings: county meetings, fundraisers, informal meet-and-greets. Messaging becomes more targeted. Endorsements, local networks, and turnout operations take priority over broad visibility. Much of the real work happens in conversations rather than speeches—in living rooms, community events, and local party circles. Organizing for the election becomes more granular.

In the Republican primary, all eyes are on the governor’s race to see if any of four other candidates can beat Randy Feenstra. All five are serious candidates as far as that is possible for a Republican, far to the right of average Iowans. Rob Sand’s clear path to the general election put’s him in a better position with each passing week as Republicans jockey for position and votes.

I wrote about the Democratic primary races here. The most interesting of those are the county supervisor races under the new system Republicans put in place in three counties with a regents university. My sense is that regardless of what the current Johnson County board of supervisors has done recently, the election is a jump ball, not governed by logic or reasoning, but a desire for something new. From where I sit, the electorate is preoccupied with other things, such as making financial ends meet under Republican governance.

It is not too late to get involved with a primary campaign in a race important to you. My advice is don’t let the quiet lull you into inaction. Too much is at stake in November and the race to the general begins in earnest on June 2.

In Spring, when the world starts turning green, hope is everywhere. For a Democrat that means hope to advance our policies and aspirations in a society where corruption, greed, and large scale grifters would swindle from us the hard won freedom and tolerance we forged over the century after the Civil War. Each year it feels real and we engage in the next election cycle, hoping to do better, staying in the fight.

37 days from the primary, it’s time to choose. In November, I’ll support the Democrats on the ballot. There are contested primary races before then, and I don’t have much else to say about races where there is only one candidate.

U.S. Senate

It would be hard for me to be in anyone’s camp but Zach Wahls. I remember him setting up an apartment in Coralville as Chloe joined him, when Elijah was an idea. I remember his first campaign for state senate against Janice Weiner. The two of them were everywhere in the district, putting in the work. He attended an event we hosted in Solon and brought the president of the Solon Community School Board, which was a first for our local politics. That early period was important to my current support.

Zach’s support for Elizabeth Warren during her 2020 presidential campaign typifies the kinds of policies he supports: taxing the wealthy, consumer protections, and improved health care for all. On the issues, Zach’s policies align with mine and continue to do so. He would support Warren’s efforts to hold corporations to account, tax wealth, enforce strict financial accountability, put teeth into anti-trust regulation, protect consumers, determine a way to fix the gap in Social Security, and transition to Medicare for all. These policies are right for Iowa and the country.

During his tenure as Senate Minority Leader, Wahls was ousted in 2023, purportedly for firing two long-term staffers. I won’t rehash that, and note the unanimous vote of the caucus to remove him. Was Iowa better for re-hiring those two people afterward?

Here’s the thing. Wahls got too far over his skis and ahead of the caucus on this action. At the same time, isn’t pushing the party in a better direction what we want from leadership? I think it is, and that’s what Wahls offers in his run for U.S. Senate. We must be agents of change. He would be… and this is why I support Zach Wahls in the June 2 primary.

First Congressional District

I support Christina Bohannan for U.S. House in Iowa’s First Congressional District Democratic primary.

I am spoiled by having had access to Dave Loebsack from before he announced for the House, through winning in 2006, and during his subsequent tenure. After he retired, and Rita Hart lost to Mariannette Miller-Meeks by six votes, my part of the state in rural Johnson County has been dominated by Republicans. With Bohannan’s persistence, and despite her previous losses, we have a chance to change that. I am pragmatic enough to know this is not about policy, but about a Democrat winning in November. A lot is at stake in winning a Democratic majority in the U.S. House, and as Bohannan said, we should “put Iowa first.” Count me in.

Johnson County Supervisor—District Two

I support Jon Green for Johnson County Supervisor in District 2.

At the precinct caucus I said,

Jon showed up in our area, canvassed with me, and listened — which tells you exactly the kind of County Supervisor he is.

One of the hardest issues we face is the jail. Jon understands we need a solution that works for the county, for county employees, and for the people who are incarcerated there — and that means real leadership, not delay or division.

As chair, Jon has proven he can lead in difficult moments. He builds coalitions, believes in transparency and debate, and makes sure every voice is heard.

At a time when local communities are often caught between state and federal pressures, Jon will stand up for this county.

We need local leaders who understand not only what the law requires, but what the people demand.

Those early observations remain important to my endorsement.

With the Solon Area Democrats we arranged an early forum for all three candidates in the primary, the other two being Jessica Andino and Janet Godwin. They are both talented, accomplished people, and qualified to be a supervisor. However, after too many delays, it is time to build a new jail and Jon put the coalition together. We should enable him to finish this work after the push for the November ballot issue.

One more thing. The issue of changing the form of county government was promoted at the League of Women Voters District 2 supervisor forum April 18. I oppose the idea, which I first heard at the county convention from Sue Dvorsky. Jon opposes it, as well. Here is my thinking from the April 21, Cedar Rapids Gazette.

As mentioned at the top, I will support Democrats in November. We have to get through the primary first, without any self-inflicted wounds that give Republicans an advantage.

Editor’s Note: These endorsements are those of Paul Deaton, and not of Blog for Iowa or any of our great writers and supporters..

The period leading up to the June 2 primary is usually one of the quieter stretches on Iowa’s political calendar, and 2026 is following that pattern. Most candidates have entered their races, the filing deadline having passed in March, and ballots are largely set. For those facing competitive primaries, the work now is less about public engagement and more about methodical outreach—fundraising, calling through supporter lists, securing endorsements, and ensuring turnout operations are in place.

Meanwhile, many voters are focused elsewhere. Spring in Iowa brings farm planting, yard work, fishing, bicycling, and the general pull of being outdoors after a long winter, which tends to dampen political attention. Voter turnout for a midterm election is typically less than in presidential years.

The most visible local activity this week has come on the Republican side in southeast Iowa. Congressional candidate David Pautsch began deploying more yard and barn signs in his effort to unseat incumbent Mariannette Miller-Meeks as the party’s nominee. The increased sign presence stands out compared to his 2024 run, when such visibility was limited. Even so, the fundamentals appear to favor Miller-Meeks. Through her use of franking privileges and regular congressional newsletters, she has maintained consistent communication with Republican voters in the district. That kind of sustained visibility should translate into enough baseline support to withstand a primary challenge.

In the governor’s race, Rob Sand occupies a relatively quiet but advantageous position. Without a primary opponent, he is able to focus entirely on building a general election coalition. That means fundraising, message development, and outreach to constituencies that will matter in November rather than expending resources on intra-party competition. This kind of political space is valuable, particularly in a cycle where Democrats see a potential opening.

Party organizational activity continues in the background. District conventions on May 2, followed by the June 13 state convention are approaching. These gatherings tend to be dominated by party insiders and activists. They play a role in shaping party platforms and selecting certain nominees, yet they rarely capture broader public attention during this phase of the cycle.

While those outside political inner circles often overlook its activity, the Iowa Legislature continues to shape much of what affects Iowans day to day. Lawmakers are now working past the traditional 100-day session mark, moving into overtime as they negotiate final pieces of the state budget. This extended timeline reflects unresolved disagreements—primarily within the Republican majority itself.

Although Republicans control both chambers, they have not been aligned on spending priorities and policy details. Differences between factions—ranging from traditional conservatives to those pushing for sharper policy shifts—have slowed final agreements. That internal negotiation tends to happen largely out of public view, giving the impression of inactivity when most of the work is happening behind closed doors.

For most voters, the details of budget targets or policy language remain distant concerns, especially this time of year. Nonetheless, the outcome of the session will set the fiscal and policy baseline that candidates from both parties will campaign on through the summer and into November.

At the national level, Iowa received attention when the Democratic National Committee agreed to consider the state’s case to regain early-state status in the 2028 presidential nominating calendar, potentially even returning to first-in-the-nation. For now, this is more background noise than an active political force. The decision ultimately hinges on whether the DNC is willing to reverse its post-2020 shift away from Iowa. While some state Democrats actively make that case, it has not yet translated into widespread grassroots discussion. There may be developments in May, but there is just as much chance the issue remains unresolved for some time.

Stepping back, the larger landscape remains defined by a mix of opportunity and constraint. Democrats view 2026 as a cycle with unusual openings, driven in part by open seats and voter dissatisfaction. At the same time, Republicans retain a structural advantage in statewide races and voter registration. Any internal divisions that emerge in Republican primaries could have downstream effects, but for now, the balance of power has not fundamentally shifted. The weeks ahead are less about dramatic change and more about quiet positioning before the electorate engages closer to the primary.

Spring is also a great time to engage in the political process by attending a fund raiser or by volunteering for a candidate in an important primary race. Don’t have a candidate? The county party always needs your help.

Spring has sprung, and with it, opportunities to engage in the political process wait for your attention. Put it on your daily planner: do one thing each day to stay engaged in the political discussion that could change Iowa’s politics. Then, take a walk to consider that life is better than what our Republican politicians make it with their governance.